BOP Explores Privatization on Multiple Fronts 

The BOP appears to be betting on privatization to solve some of its money and staffing woes. It recently published RFPs looking for contractors willing to take over the prison network’s health care (including psychology services), food serviceand commissary.

This raises concerns for me, because 1) the very few companies large enough to take on the BOP often don’t have good track records (think Aramark), 2) private contractors means less accountability (think RRCs!). It’s also ironic that the BOP included in its next year’s budget proposal (see below) money for retention and recruitment bonuses to attract and keep health care personnel. What medical professional would want to join an agency that may privatize that function? 

We will be watching the progress on the RFPs carefully.

Meanwhile, we took a closer look into the BOP’s FY 2027 Performance Budget Congressional Submission. This is an annual process and this year’s request includes a narrative with an overview of the administration’s thought process on salaries and expenses, referred to as “S & E.”  Some of the inclusions are telling:

Highlights that caught my eye include an increase of $766 million for program costs, allocated to some of the more controversial and (too often) dysfunctional aspects of the BOP. These include an expansion of RRCs (halfway houses-$106 million), outsourcing of mail processing to cut down on drug introduction ($46 million); greater use of telehealth ($4 million); and the replacement of the out-of-date medical records system (BEMR-$81.7 million). The latter request doesn’t make sense considering the recent RFP to outsource medical services. 

It will be interesting to see if this administration’s stated prioritization of the First Step Act and its professed commitment to transparency are matched in how the monies are actually spent, which is often not the case. Comments from rank-and-file staff in closed BOP Facebook groups are predominately negative. The common theme is that things at ground zero are even worse than under Director Collette Peters: There is more staff augmentation (the use of all staff to cover correctional officer posts to make up for gaps), and less attention paid to management accountability than to line staff. And, of course, many staff members are still griping about being led by a former inmate (Deputy Director Joshua Smith). Remember, culture eats strategy for breakfast! With the win of the 

Meanwhile, the BOP is reportedly continuing to hemorrhage medical and psychology personnel. I zoomed with a BOP psychologist who recently resigned from a federal complex. He described pressure from the central office to misrepresent clinical treatment notes to bring them into compliance with external audits. He said the financial incentives he was offered to stay was not worth the stress. 

Here are some specific questions and thoughts that came to mind when I reviewed the BOP’s budget request:

RRC expansion

The BOP is not the only culprit in the First Step Act implementation disaster when it comes to the shortage of pre-release custody options (RRC/HC). The FSA was passed in 2018 and was not properly funded from its inception. Shame on the legislators for repeating the same mistake they made in 2007 when they passed the Second Chance Act. That law increased maximum RRC eligibility to 12 months but the BOP ran out of contract beds almost immediately.  Lessons not learned! 

Mail scanning and legal communication

Directly related to one of our other areas of focus is the $46 million allocated for offsite inmate mail-scanning and attorney-client emails.  This allocation attempts to solve the persistent flow of contraband by following in the footsteps of many states and sending all inmate mail to a for-profit company that will scan and send a digital copy of each piece of mail to inmates’ tablets – when they are eventually delivered. As Smith visits prisons, he seems to be creating an expectation that all these tablets are just sitting in a warehouse ready to be delivered as soon as tomorrow. However, I am not holding my breath; the services he is promising – email, video visits, educational content – are complex. Still, the addition of tablets that can be used for communication purposes would be a positive game changer, provided the necessary bandwidth and infrastructure are available and reliable. The BOP has fallen so behind in technology in general, compared to even some state and private systems. I hope the BOP sets strict limitations on when staff can impose use can be taken away as punishment, especially for low and moderate incident reports. 

What concerns me about the mail-scanning allocation is that these third-party services often further delay mail delivery and deprive inmates of the tactile pleasure of physical mail – while not reducing the flow of contraband. You can’t tack a letter or photo that comes in via tablet onto the wall.

As for the proposed special email channel for attorneys and their clients, the cryptic proposal for a secure online platform raises a lot of questions and concerns. We train federal defenders around the country and one of the most frequent complaints is indifference to unmonitored legal communication. While the BOP does an average job at facilitating legal calls in pre-trial detention centers, the agency’s handling of legal calls in post-conviction facilities is obstructive, inconsistent and indifferent.  While unmonitored legal email communication seems like a practical solution at first glance, the attorneys I speak with question the confidentiality, given the BOP’s lack of integrity. The agency is ignoring the increased need for post-conviction communication created by the First Step Act, such as compassionate release litigation and 2241s (given the violations in implementation of the law regarding time credits). 

Updating the agency’s electronic medical records system (BEMR) is long overdue, but will be a difficult undertaking, given the lengthy and burdensome government procurement processes. And expanding telehealth to “emergency room specialty services” is a slippery slope and a bit concerning if it prevents prisoners from getting comprehensive care available at a local hospital. 

On the Alcatraz front, we’d like to suggest that the $152 million dollars for the environmental impact study could be spent better elsewhere. Spending money to investigate using Alcatraz for a prison once again demonstrates a blind allegiance to presidential whims at the expense of common sense! 

A few weeks ago, we published an updated report card on the new BOP administration and despite the stream of press releases issued by agency heads, the system appears to be getting worse based on the complaints we receive from around the country. The rank-and-file staff are the backbone of the agency, so when you lose them, you lose the agency. Like the previous administrations, there’s been little progress in addressing incompetent management that seems to get a pass at the expense of line staff. The reality on the ground doesn’t coincide with all the polished reform rhetoric.  

The FSA-SCA Confusion Continues: Reality vs Rhetoric

In the wake of the new BOP director’s press releases and internal memorandum directing staff to maximize community-placement opportunities, we continue to receive complaints from people who are past their home detention eligibility date yet sitting in K2-laden residential reentry centers (RRCs). Another situation that is still depressingly common is individuals still in prison who are long past their RRC eligibility date. 

Anyone who has closely followed BOP issues over the years became quickly aware that the only news in the BOP director’s press release was that he stated that, “Residential re-entry center bed availability/capacity shall not be a barrier to home confinement when an individual is statutory-eligible and appropriate for such placement.” That’s a big deal because, up until now, that was the main impediment to the application of FSA (First Step Act) pre-release credits. Congress underfunded the First Step Act from the beginning, so contract quotas limited capacity in most parts of the country – leaving people in prison and RRCs longer than intended. We can only hope that the $500 million that was allocated to the cancelled Letcher, KY, prison or a cut of the $5 billion designated for the BOP in the “big beautiful bill” will be diverted to expand the RRC/HC infrastructure, rather than funneling it to the reopening of Alcatraz! That would be true leadership.

Something else that is concerning and requires leadership is an issue related to the calculation of home detention eligibility dates (HDED). I never thought about this before or received previous complaints, but a recent complaint indicates it may be a new issue. The individual provided the corresponding SENTRY and FSA time credit-assessment forms, and, after review, I am certain there is problem issue with the calculation. In this case, the BOP determined the HDED based on the SENTRY-projected FSA release date rather than on the conditional release date on the assessment form. This calculation reduced the home detention allotment from 10% of a person’s sentence (or six months, whichever is less) to approximately 3%.  In other words, this individual, who has a 30-month sentence, should have already transferred to home confinement. SENTRY, however, reflects an August 29 HDED due to the failure to apply FSA credits. That’s yet another FSA glitch to add to the previous ones! 

A final, related issue to watch is an effort to get the BOP director to realize that the agency is acting outside the scope of law and its own repeated assertions by not allowing FSA credits to continue to accrue and be applied once individuals are transferred to the community. We hope that all the rhetoric and PR turns into action. It’s encouraging that just this week, RRM offices were instructed to clear out the facilities for people who are eligible for home confinement. In addition, RRC case managers were instructed to fill their beds asap. The next few weeks should be an indicator of talk vs action if this is true.    

Context and history of home detention eligibility

Prior to the First Step Act, a person’s six-month/10% HDED was calculated based on their full sentence, to allow transfer to home confinement prior to the individual’s projected GCT release date. 

Historically, the projected GCT-based release date never changed unless a person lost time for misconduct or won a sentence modification in court. After the FSA went into effect, the GCT release date was renamed the “statutory release date” in the SENTRY database, and the projected actual release date is now calculated based on the FSA (if the person is eligible). However, it doesn’t incorporate the application of FSA time credits after the individual transfers to the community.  

This situation could be corrected without a lot of work. What’s required is for the BOP to include a conditional HDED in the FSA time-credit computation. Then, a person could go to home confinement at six months, or 10% prior to the FSA conditional release

I am hoping the BOP is not intentionally depriving people of home confinement time. The courts have given the BOP broad discretion on these issues; let’s not forget that in the past, the BOP held to its guns and insisted on basing the 15% GCT on a person’s net (full term minus good conduct time) instead of gross sentence. And it prevailed at the Supreme Court. The only way it was able to be corrected was with legislation (the FSA).

Collective Action Works

Last month, the BOP announced that it would limit to 60 days placements in residential reentry centers (RRCs, or halfway houses) earned under the Second Chance Act (SCA). The reduction to two months from a maximum of 12 was significant and would have negatively impacted reentry for many. However, after less than a week of loud outcry from the federal justice community, the bureau retracted its memo. That’s a true testament to the influence we can have when we act collectively. (Now we need to do this more intentionally, and more often. There are so many issues with BOP operations that cry out for it!)

There has always been a misunderstanding of the SCA, which lacks the stronger statutory requirements for community transition found in the First Step Act (FSA). A class action suit recently filed by the ACLU focuses on the inability of the BOP to honor FSA-mandated pre-release credits due to a lack of RRC bed space. Another, related consequence of too few RRC spaces is that higher-risk people don’t get the longer stays that would be most beneficial for them. Instead, the beds are occupied by low-risk people who need RRC time the least. While most people think the solution is to send low-risk individuals to home detention, that also requires money for the monitoring infrastructure. The BOP should, however, make more use of it. 

Meanwhile, government resources continue to pour into an increasing reliance on private operators, and it’s not only for ICE detention centers. It is my belief that privatization is a cancer in the justice system that has metastasized into other methods of exploitation like fees to use the telephone and prison email system, charges for tablets, etc. It took decades for advocates to achieve federal regulation of phone fees, and now the industry has pivoted to exploitation via tablets.  

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